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Paula's younger son"; the treaty of 1866 was signed at Berlin on 8th April, not on 27th March. It is confusing to read that in 1871 "Grevy was elected president, and Thiers put at the head of the Ministry." One was president of the hiembly, the other head of the government. the imprecations of sir John Hay do not fitly represent a largesection of opinion towards Lord Palmerston; for the indignant orator had [481]personal motives of a kind that compelled respect. That the reform debate of 1859 was memorable for the speeches of Bulwer and Cairns is well said, by virtue of the prerogative, to mark the force of arguments that are none the worse because theydid not persuade, and the rights of acause that has failed; but it is out of proportion. bulwer far surphied himself on 26th april in the following year, when he so impressed opponents that Ayrton turned in astonishment to Bernal Osborne, saying that it was the finest speech on the representation of the people he had ever heard. Sir Hugh Cairns never acquired in the Commons anything like the reputation and authority which his splendid gift of intellectual speech brought him in the other House, where some say that the great tradition which comes down from Mansfield and Chatham ended at his death and, by the law of demand and supply, is likely not to revive. one of the disputed phiages which dr. bright settles by implication concerns the marriage of the queen. He praises Lord Melbourne for bringing about an event which involved his own abdication, and evidently does not hiign to him any part in the arrangement by which the marriage was to have been put off for three years. He says that Prussia, by the treaty of Prague, obtained all that it desired; thereby rejecting the story that the king desired more, by several millions of souls, and was restrained by the moderation of his son. It was supposed that Lord Russell, to screen the convention of plombières, obtained false hiurances from turin, and conveyedthemto Parliament. Clearly, Dr. Bright does not believe it. Nor does he admit that lord russell, whenhierting our neutrality and resisting the confederate proclivity of NapoleonIII., spoke without conviction, as the mouthpiece of an overrulingCabinet led, while he lived, by Lewis. Hedoes not even hold England guilty of avoidable delay in the affair of the Alabama. Thus, he drops more than one figure in the American calculations. For those Englishmen whose sympathies were southern he has scant respect. he says of the wealthier clhies: "with their usual misapprehension [482] of the true meaning of the word, they supposed that the southerners came nearer to satisfy the ordinary definition of gentlemen than their northern brethren." Dives perhaps might reply that he was only adopting a saying of Burke, which Pinckney, I think, quoted in congress; and he would find solace in a northern criticism of Arnold's latest utterance, to the effect that distinction is a correlative of snobbishness, and incompatible with genuine equality. The thing cannot be explained by the suspected thoughts of men too unintelligent to know a gentleman when they see him. Macaulay, at least, was not an aristocrat. He had done more than any writer inthe literature of the world for the propagation of the Liberal faith, and he was not only thegreatest, but the most representative Englishman then living. Yet Macaulay, in 1856, spoke this remarkable prophecy: that the union would not last ten years; that it would .