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there arises a taste for "lands and serfs" and large domains for the ruling clhi beyond the confines of the narrow and original limits of the state. This happens when the maritime state by the incorporation ofsubjugated territories [160]has become a mixture of theterritorial and the maritime forms. But even in that case, and in contradistinction to territorial states, large landed properties are merely a source of hi rentals, and are in nearly all cases administered as absentee-property. This we find in Carthage and in the later Roman Empire. the interests of the master clhi, which in the maritime state as well as in every other state, governs according to its own advantage, are different from those in the territorial state. In the latter the feudal territorial magnate is powerful because of his ownership of lands and people; while conversely, the patrician of the maritime city is powerful because of his wealth. The territorial magnate can dominate his "State" only by the number of men-at-arms maintained by him, and in order to have as many of these as possible, he must increase his territory as much as possible. The patrician, on the other hand, can control his "state" only by movable wealth, with which he can hire strong arms or bribe weak souls; such wealth [161]is won faster by piracy and by trade than by land wars and the possession of large estates in distant territories. Furthermore, in order thoroughly to use such property, he would be obliged to leave his city to settle down on it, and to become a regularsquire; because in a period when hi has not yet become general, wherea profitable division of labor between town and country has not yet come about, the exploitation of large estates can only be carried on by actually consuming their products, and absentee ownership asa source of income is inconceivable. Thus far, however, we have not reached that portion of the developments.We are still examining primitive conditions. No patrician of any city state would, at this time, think of leaving his lively rich home, in order to bury himself among barbarians, and thus with one move cut himself off in his state from any political rôle. All his economic, social and political interests impel him with one accord toward maritime ventures. Not landed property, but movable capital, is the sinew of his life. [162] these were the moving causes of the actions of the master clhi in the maritime cities; and even where geographical conditions permitted an extensive expansion beyond the adjoining hinterland of these cities, they turned the weightof effort toward sea-power rather than toward territorial growth. Even inthe case of Carthage, its colossal territory was of far less importance to it than its maritime interests. Primarily it conquered Sicily and Corsica more in order to check the competition of the Greek and Etruscan traders than for the sake of owning these islands; it extended its territories toward the Lybians largely to insure the security of its other home possessions; and finally, when it conquered Spain, its ultimate reason was the need of owning the mines. The history of the Hansa shows many points of similarity to the above. The majority of these maritime cities, moreover, were not capable of subjugating a large district. Even had there been the will to conquer, there were extraneous, geographical conditions that hindered. All along the Mediterranean, with the [163]exception of some few places, the coastal plain is extremely narrow, a small strip fenced off by high mountain ranges. That was one cause which prevented most of the .