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| development of the modern constitutional State, and anticipating actual history, sketch the "hi citizenship" of the future. [121] CHAPTER IV? the maritime state? The course of life andthe path of suffering of the State founded by sea nomads, as has been stated above, isdetermined by commercial capital; just as that of the territorial State is determined by capital vested in realty; and, we may add, that of the modern constitutional State by productive capital. The seanomad, however, did not invent trade or merchandising, fairs or markets or cities; these preëxisted, and since they served his purpose, were now developed to suit his interests. All these institutions, serving the economic means, the barter for equivalents, had long since been discovered. Here for the first time in our survey we find the economic means not the object of exploitation by the political means, but as a coöperating agent in originating the state, one might [122]call it the "chain" phiing into the "lift" created by the feudal state to bring forth a more elaborate structure. The genesis of the maritime State would not be thoroughlyintelligible, werewe not to premise a statement concerning traffic and interchange of wares in prehistoric times. Furthermore, no prognosis of the modern state is complete, which does not take into account the independently formed economic means of aboriginal barter. (a) traffic in prehistoric times? The psychological explanation of barter has brought for the theory of the marginal utility, its greatest merit. According to this theory, the subjective valuation of any economic good decreases in proportion to the number of objects of the same kind possessed by the same owner. When even two proprietors meet, each having a number of similar articles, they will gladly barter, provided political means are barred, i. e., if both parts are apparently equally strong and well-armed, or in the very early stage, are within the sacred circle of relationship. [123]By barter, each one receives property of very high subjective value, in place of property of very low subjective value, so that both parties are gainers in the transaction. The desire of primitive people for bartering must be stronger than that of cultured ones. For at this stage man does not value his own goods, but covets the things belonging to strangers, and is hardly affected by calculatedeconomic considerations. On the other hand, we must not forget that there are primitive peoples for whom barter hasno attraction whatever. "Cook tells of tribes in Polynesia, with whom no intercourse was possible, since presents made absolutely no impression on them, and were afterward thrown away; everything shown them they regarded with indifference, and with no desire to own it, whilewith their own thingsthey would not part; in fact, they had no conception of either trade orbarter."58 So Westermarck is of the opinion that "barter and traffic are comparatively late inventions." In thishe stands in opposition to Peschel, who would [124]have it that man in the earliest known stage of development engaged in barter. Westermarck states that there is no proof "that the cave-dwellers of Périgord from the reindeer period obtained their rock-crystals, their shells from the Atlantic, and the horns of the Saiga antelope from (modern) Poland by way of barter."59 In spite of these exceptions, which admit other explanations—perhaps the natives feared sorcery—the history of primitive peoples shows that the desire to trade and barter is a universal human characteristic. It can, . |
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