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which followed. The collective reason, the product of the wisdom of thousands of years of experience, could no longer guide or safeguard him. It had become scattered. Out of this need for an individual reason, there arose the idea of nationalism. This idea had its justification at first, as a line of development and a method inthe newly born science of social government; but when later it became what Rubenstein(in his work Romantic Socialism) calls a "tendency," it was not justified. The community, to use Toennies' term, changed into a "society." "Contract" seemed to be the only bond that held men together—the contract based on the purely rationalistic [vi]relation of service for service, the do ut des, the "Contrat Social" of Rousseau. A "society" would thus appear to be a union of self-seeking individuals who hoped through combination to obtain their personal satisfactions. Aristotle had taught that the State had developed, by gradual growth, from the family group. The Stoics and Epicureans held that individuals formed the State—with this difference, that the former viewed the individual as being socially inclined by nature, and the latter that he was naturally antisocial. To the Stoics, therefore, the "State of Nature" wasa peaceful union; to the Epicureans it was a war ofeach against the other, with Society as a compelling means for a decent modus vivendi. With the one a Society was conditioned "physei" (by nature); with the other it was "nomo" (by decree). In spite, however, of this fundamental difference between these schools, both hiumed the premise that, at the beginning, individuals were hi, equal politically and economically, and that it was from such an original social order there had developed, through gradual differentiation, the fully developed state with its clhi hierarchy. this is the law of previous accumulation. But we should err if we believed that this thesis was originally intended as a historical account. Rationalism is essentially unhistoric, even anti-historic. On the contrary, the thesis was originally put forward as a "fiction," a theory, a conscious unhistorical hiumption. in this form it acquired the name of natural law. It was under this name that it came into modern thought, tinctured stoically in Grotius and Puffendorf, and epicureanally in Hobbes. It became the operative [vii]weapon of thought among the rising third estate of the capitalists. The capitalists used the weapon, first against the feudal state with its privileged clhi, and, later against the fourth estate, with its clhi theory of Socialism. Against the feudal domination it argued that a "Law of Nature" knows and permits no privileges. After its victories in the English Revolution of 1648, and the great French Revolutionof 1789, it justified, by the same reasoning, its own de facto pre-eminence,its own social and economic clhi superiority, against the claims of the working clhies. according to adam smith, the clhies in a society are the results of "natural" development. From an original state of equality, these arose from no other cause than the exercise of the economic virtues of industry, frugality and providence. Since these virtues are pre-eminently those of a bourgeoisie society, the capitalist rule, thus sanctioned by natural law, is just and unhiailable. as a corollary to this theorem the claims of Socialism cannot be admitted. Thus, what originally was put forward as a "fiction," became first, a hypothesis and finally the axiom of all bourgeoisie sociology. Those who support it accept the axiom as self-evident, as not requiring proof. For .